Constructing
Cooperation in Groups Urgent please and pious pronouncements will rarely produce cooperation in groups, even if our intentions are noble. Cooperation must become systemic. For it to become systemic in a small group, cooperation has to be structured into the framework of the group for the benefit of all members. There are four main elements necessary to establish a cooperative group structure:
Leave out any one of these elements and you diminish
the potential for cooperation in groups. Interdependence The story of Fred Beasley, a fullback drafted by the San Francisco 49ers in 1998, illustrates interdependence in action. Fred’s father died when he was 12 years old, leaving a wife and nine children to survive on a paltry Social Security income. The interdependent family goal following the loss of Fred’s dad was to keep the family intact. This was accomplished by sharing labor and resources interdependently. Alma Beasley, Fred’s mom, got jobs cleaning houses. All nine kids found odd jobs. Whatever income was earned from these jobs was pooled to cover family, not individual, needs. Four boys slept in the same room. Dresser drawers were divided among the kids. Household chores were everybody’s responsibilities. Alma Beasley explains how the family remained together through difficult times: “It was tough on all of us…I just did the best I could. I think we all pulled together” (Judge, 1998, p. D8). Equality: There are essentially three ways rewards can be distributed in a group: winner-take-all, equitable distribution (proportional), and equal distribution. When success depends on group members working together, an equal distribution of rewards gives the best results and the competitive winner-take-all system gives the poorest results (Deutsch, 1985). A merit system of rewards (winner-take-all) is intrinsically competitive. Only the winners receive the rewards. This sets up a win-lose dichotomy and sets in motion al the negative consequences associated with competition already discussed. Merit system may motivate the few who believe they have a reasonable chance of being “number one.” Everyone else, however, is demoralized or indifferent because the rewards are forever out of reach. The final report of the Merit Pay Task Force of a California State University Academic Senate (Charnofsky et al., 1998) noted that almost 3,000 studies show either no positive results or serious disadvantages, such as divisiveness and demoralization, from merit pay schemes. The report also noted that other countries such as Japan believe that merit pay is ridiculous because it embarrasses employees. Profit-sharing programs based on equitable reward distribution (i.e., the more a member contributes to the team success the higher the bonus) are preferable to winner-take-all schemes. There are serious drawbacks, however, to equitable reward distribution. “The goal is to reward the effort of individuals in the group rather than to ensure that the group will survive into the future. The quest for individual reward often leads to a great deal of tension when benefits are to be distributed. People disagree if they do not receive as much as expected” (Brislin, 1993, P.53). A study of 28 firms engaged in some form of financial sharing plan found that the majority showed productivity gains from the plans, but the productivity improvements occurred more frequently in firms with system-wide distribution of bonuses that were equally distributed (Schuster, 1984). The incentive of system-wide equal distribution plans is to share the rewards of a team effort to excel. Equal distribution of rewards provides potential motivation for all group members, and it enhances mutual self-esteem and respect, group loyalty, and congenial personal relationships within the group (Deutsch, 1979). The superiority of equal rewards distribution is supported by the results of hundreds of studies (Deutsch, 1985). Both independence and equality as means of
structuring cooperation in a group were experimentally tested in a school
setting by psychologist Elliot Aronson (1999), using what the terms the
“jigsaw classroom.” Students were formed into small learning groups to prepare
for an upcoming examination. Each
student was given only a portion of the material, a piece of the overall
puzzle, necessary to pass the test. Everyone
needed each other, and test scores were determined on the basis of how
well the group did, not on individual performance.
Thus, group members had to teach each other and work together in
order to do well. So the
group goal and division of labor were interdependent, and the rewards
(grades) were distributed equally (all group members received the same
grade). When the jigsaw method was used by Aronson in classrooms that had
been recently desegregated, impressive results were obtained. Jigsaw learning produced significantly more friendships and
less prejudice between ethnic groups than occurred at the same school
using competitive learning techniques.
Self-esteem, test scores, and liking for the school experience all
improved for minority students. White
students also experienced similar positive results. Participation: Group members must have a stake in the outcomes for cooperation to occur. Participative decision making is essential to the institution of cooperation in groups. Collaborative effort will disintegrate if group members feel that their cooperation merely rubber-stamps decisions already made by others with more power. Participative decision making occurs at two levels. First, group members’ participation in decision making is valued, encouraged, and respected. Members feel they are a part of a team making important decisions. Second, the decisions of the team are valued, encouraged, and respected by the system as a whole. Teams are given a great deal of autonomy to determine their own success. Team decisions are not vetoed by upper management. Cooperation occurs in a climate of trust. If the team is not trusted to make careful, deliberative decisions, and if the team’s choices are not respected, then participative decision making will quickly be perceived as a deceptive game that only creates the illusion of choice. A review of 47 studies revealed that meaningful
participation in decision making increased worker productivity and job
satisfaction (Miller & Monge, 1986).
When participative decision-making programs fail, they typically
fail because participation was minimal, only some individuals were allowed
to participate, the program was too short-term, the decisions teams were
allowed to make were relatively inconsequential, or the team’s choices
were essentially ignored by upper management (Kohn, 1993).
Participative decision making is discussed in greater detail in
Chapter 8. Meaningful
participation is essential to the establishment of teamwork in groups. Individual Accountability: Interdependence, equality, and participation all sound great, I picture you saying, but what about social loafers who could benefit from the toil of others? Group effort is not truly cooperative if some members are slackers who let others do all the work. You must have a mechanism for individual accountability in order to discourage freeloading (Johnson & Johnson, 1987) Distribution of rewards among all group members should be based on a genuine effort to produce for a group (We-orientation), not merely on equal rewards for all members who still register a pulse. Individual accountability establishes a minimum standard of performance in order to share the fruits of team labor. The standards should not be set so high that they assure failures. Minimum standards agreed to in advance by the group might include the following: no more than two missed meetings, no more than two tardies or early exits from meetings, work turned in to the group on time, and work of satisfactory quality as determined by the group. Individual
accountability is not the same as rank ordering the group members’
performances or distributing rewards based on merit.
Individual accountability merely establishes a floor below which
no one should drop, not a ceiling that only a very few can reach. Social loafing can suck the energy from a group. Social loafing has been observed in group working on a variety of tasks, among both males and females, people of all ages, and in many different cultures (Forsyth, 1999). Social loafing occurs more often in larger groups because it is less noticeable than in smaller gatherings (Karau & Williams, 1993). Since other members presumably can pick up the slack resulting from loafers’ listless participation, larger group act as breeding ground for loafers. Social loafing is also more common in an individualist culture such as United States than it is in Collectivist cultures such as Taiwan, Singapore, China, and other Asian countries (Early, 1998; Gabreyna et al., 1985) So what can you do about social loafers?
Here are several steps that can be taken to address the problem:
Rothwell,
Dan. In Mixed Company. Thomson Wadsworth: California, 2004.
75-76,
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